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Marx’s Republican Communism

A Review of Bruno Leipold's Citizen Marx

May 29, 2025

9780691205236
Citizen Marx: Republicanism and the Formation of Karl Marx's Social and Political Thought
by Bruno Leipold
Princeton University Press
2024

Bruno Leipold’s Citizen Marx presents a compelling, deeply researched, and elegantly written analysis of Marx’s relationship to republicanism, and it will no doubt become an important point of reference in future discussions about Marx’s thought.1I would like to thank Zachary Levenson and Izzy Plowright from Spectre, as well as Dominique Routhier, Jacob Blumenfeld, Marie Thøgersen and Nicolai von Eggers, for their help with this review. Based on fresh, close readings of Marx—including canonical texts such as The Communist Manifesto and Capital, as well as lesser-known articles and notebooks—and discussions of an impressive body of scholarship, Leipold reconstructs the intellectual trajectory that led Marx to articulate a powerful republican communism as the alternative to the despotic power of capital.

In the mid-nineteenth century, to be a “republican” meant fighting for a free and democratic political system based on universal (male) suffrage, in opposition to defenders of absolute monarchy and liberalist defenders of constitutional monarchy. The central political value of republicanism is freedom, understood in a purely negative sense as nondomination, or, the absence of arbitrary power—that is, not just the absence of actual interference, but of the very possibility of interference. Leipold’s core claim is that Marx’s critique of capitalism, as well as his thoughts on revolutionary strategy and the communist future, developed through a sustained dialogue with republican currents.

Most other socialists in the 1840s were deeply “anti-political” in the sense that they “had an ambivalent, even hostile, relationship to politics, democracy, and revolution,” as Leipold puts it.2Bruno Leipold, Citizen Marx: Republicanism and the Formation of Marx’s Social and Political Thought (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2024), 191. Drawing on the republican ideas he had defended in his precommunist phase as a journalist and critic of the Prussian state (1842–43), Marx (and Engels) rejected the technocratic and authoritarian tendencies of British Owenists, German ‘True Socialists’ and French Saint-Simonians. Instead, he developed an analysis of the bourgeois republic as “an insufficient but necessary step for the emancipation of the proletariat.”3Leipold, Citizen Marx, 190. For Marx, the struggle for emancipation must pass through the capitalist state, rather than just circumventing it.

At the same time, Marx drew on the socialist critique of private property to criticize anticommunist republicans who failed to extend the critique of arbitrary power to the economic sphere. In this way, Marx and Engels occupied a unique and powerful position in the radical political landscape of the mid-nineteenth century: a republican communism grounded in an unshakable belief in the proletariat’s capacity for self-emancipation, against both antipolitical communists and anticommunist republicans (and, needless to say, defenders of monarchy).

The bulk of Citizen Marx—five out of seven chapters—deals with Marx’s writings from 1842 to 1852. In Chapter Six, Leipold shows how central the republican critique of arbitrary power is to the analysis of capitalism in volume one of Capital. The final chapter makes the crucial argument that some of Marx’s earliest republican ideas reemerge in his analysis of the Paris Commune in The Civil War in France (1871), which led him to reconsider the role of the state in revolutionary struggle and in any communist future. The Paris Commune taught Marx that “the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made State machinery, and wield it for its own purposes,” as he famously put it in a passage from The Civil War in France that he and Engels quoted in their 1872 preface to The Communist Manifesto.

Citizen Marx is an excellent reconstruction of the debates in which Marx’s communism was forged, and it succeeds in contextualizing Marx’s thinking without burying it in the nineteenth century. Although the book is clearly a work of intellectual history, it also engages with several issues that remain relevant for twenty-first century revolutionaries. This includes an important demonstration of Marx’s analysis of the Paris Commune, in which he maintained that there would still be a need for some sort of political institutions in any communist future (contrary to the widespread idea that Marx believed in “the end of politics”).

I do, however, have a few critical remarks. They concern aspects of Marx’s thought that are missing from Leipold’s account and can be divided into two groups: the first concerns Leipold’s omission of Marx’s theory of value, and the second concerns a number of relevant writings that are not considered in Citizen Marx. None of these critiques implies disagreement with the book’s core claims; rather, they should be seen as suggestions for further strengthening Leipold’s examination of Marx.

The Theory of Value

My first critical remark concerns Marx’s theory of value, which Leipold leaves out entirely. Strikingly, the closest Leipold comes to addressing the theory of value is a footnote that repeats G. A. Cohen’s claim that the concept of exploitation does not necessarily depend on the labor theory of value.4Leipold, Citizen Marx, 326 fn. In my view, this is a remarkable omission. Not only is the theory of value one of the most fundamental elements of Marx’s critique of capitalism; it is also directly related to one of the central concerns of Citizen Marx, namely Marx’s critique of the arbitrary power of capital.

Leipold does not explain this absence, but it is tempting to interpret the silence as not unrelated to Leipold’s affinity with analytical Marxism, and with analytical philosophy more broadly. By this, I do not mean to suggest that Leipold endorses the many specific dead ends of analytical Marxism, such as G. A. Cohen’s technological determinism, John Roemer’s market socialism, or Jon Elster’s methodological individualism and “rational choice Marxism.” Rather, my point is that Leipold’s style of thought reflects the analytical tradition and its emphasis on a mode of reasoning and writing that understands itself as rigorous, clear, and scientific, in contrast to the supposedly obscure, convoluted style of continental thinkers such as Hegel, Heidegger, Adorno, or Derrida. A scholar with more continental inclinations might have found it relevant, for instance, to engage with Stathis Kouvelakis’s study of the young Marx’s political thought in Philosophy and Revolution (2003), or Moishe Postone’s study of Marx’s understanding of impersonal domination in Time, Labor and Social Domination (1993). Analytical Marxists have always been skeptical of Marx’s dialectical critique of the value form and the deeply speculative-Hegelian presentation of this theory in manuscripts such as the Grundrisse (1857–58), the so-called Urtext (1858) and the first edition of Capital (1867).

Leipold emphasizes how Marx “expanded and transformed those republican ideas from a focus on the arbitrary power of an individual to an analysis of how arbitrary power was exercised through and was constituted by a structure of property ownership and impersonal market forces.”5Leipold, Citizen Marx, 303. Leipold discusses the latter (the domination of everyone by the market) in terms of competition among capitals as well as among workers, rather than on the more abstract and fundamental level of the theory of value, where Marx analyzes market transactions in terms of relationships between private and independent producers”—that is. before the dialectical unfolding of concepts reveals these market agents to be capitalists and workers.

In a market economy, everyone is forced to obey the impersonal demands of the market…in order to reproduce themselves; the market is a mechanism for transforming social relations into economic movements of commodities and money that comes to dominate everyone. In other words, a market economy can never be free.

Leipold’s focus on competition rather than on the underlying social relations expressed in the value form inadvertently leaves the door open to Proudhonian market socialism—that is, to  the idea that capitalist competition can be abolished while retaining the market as a coordination mechanism between noncapitalist producers. Leipold himself notes that Capital was shaped by Marx’s struggle with Proudhonian tendencies in the International Workingmen’s Association, and—as scholars such as Nadja Rakowitz, William Clare Roberts and Jasper Bernes have noted­—Marx’s theory of value was developed in a direct confrontation with Proudhon and his followers, as well as Ricardian socialists.6Nadja Rakowitz, Einfache Warenproduktion. Ideal und Ideologie (Freiburg: ca ira, 2000), chaps 2–3; William Clare Roberts, Marx’s Inferno: The Political Theory of Capital (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017), chap. 3; Jasper Bernes, The Future of Revolution: Communist Prospects from the Paris Commune to the George Floyd Uprising (New York & London: Verso, 2025), chap. 2. This confrontation is especially evident in the Grundrisse, which opens with a takedown of the Proudhonian journalist Alfred Darimon’s proposal for bank reforms.

Marx’s theory of value presents two crucial arguments against such a Proudhonian market socialism, and these arguments in turn demonstrate how misguided it is to think of the theory of value as a purely analytical matter, without consequences for how to think about revolutionary strategy and communism.7Endnotes, “Communisation and Value-Form Theory,” in Endnotes 2: Misery and the Value Form (London, Endnotes UK, 2010), https://endnotes.org.uk/articles/communisation-and-value-form-theory. First, it argues that a system of generalized commodity exchange is necessarily a system where all market agents are subjected to the abstract and impersonal domination of the market.8Roberts, Marx’s Inferno, chap. 3; Michael Heinrich, An Introduction to the Three Volumes of Karl Marx’s Capital, trans. Alex Locascio (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2012); Moishe Postone, Time, Labor, and Social Domination: A Reinterpretation of Marx’s Critical Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); Robert Kurz, Geld ohne Wert: Grundrisse zu einer Transformation der Kritik der politischen Ökonomie (Berlin: Horlemann, 2012); Søren Mau, Mute Compulsion: A Marxist Theory of The Economic Power of Capital (London & New York: Verso Books, 2022), chap. 8. In a market economy, everyone is forced to obey the impersonal demands of the market, such as price movements, in order to reproduce themselves; the market is a mechanism for transforming social relations into economic movements of commodities and money that comes to dominate everyone. In other words, a market economy can never be free. Second, Marx’s meticulous dialectical derivation of concepts in the first and second parts of Capital (and the corresponding passages in other writings) demonstrates that generalized commodity exchange presupposes capitalist relations of production, or, as he puts it in the Grundrisse, directly related to Proudhon: “It is just as pious as it is stupid to wish that exchange value would not develop into capital.”9Karl Marx, Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (Rough Draft), trans. Martin Nicolaus (London: Penguin, 1993), 249. I have analyzed this argument in detail elsewhere. Søren Mau, “The Transition to Capital in Marx’s Critique of Political Economy,” Historical Materialism 26, no. 1 (2018): 68–102, https://doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001542. One political consequence of this is that “market socialism” is a contradiction in terms: the abolition of capitalism cannot consist in merely distributing value in a “fair” or “just” manner, but must necessarily imply the abolition of value, which is the same as the abolition of the commodity form.

What Marx’s theory of value reveals—and what Leipold’s account of Marx’s critique of capitalism thereby overlooks—is that the arbitrary power of the market over everyone is not just a result of the competition among capitalists, but is, at a more fundamental level, rooted in the commodity form itself. Not only does it thereby present a critique of market socialism that is still highly relevant; it was also an important part of Marx’s critique of the arbitrary power of capital, as well as his critique of other socialist tendencies. For these reasons, including an interpretation of the theory of value in Citizen Marx would have strengthened Leipold’s reading of Marx as a critic of arbitrary power.

Marxological Concerns

My second critical remark is of a Marxological nature and concerns which of Marx’s writings Leipold focuses on, and which ones are missing or underexposed in his account. Citizen Marx is broadly framed as a study of Marx’s relationship to republicanism; that is, it is not confined to a specific phase of Marx’s life or a particular set of writings. Naturally, not all of Marx’s writings are equally relevant to such a project, and it makes perfect sense that Leipold ignores Marx’s doctoral thesis on Democritus and Epicurus, the notebooks on agriculture and ecology, or the manuscripts for the second volume of Capital, just to give a few examples. However, there are several writings that, to my mind, are not given the attention they deserve. As noted, the first five chapters—roughly three quarters of the book—deal with Marx’s writings from 1842 to 1852, the first ten years of his four-decade-long intellectual trajectory. This is followed by a chapter that focuses primarily on the first volume of Capital (1867–72), and then the final chapter on the Civil War in France (1871).

Chapter six of Citizen Marx is called “Chains and Invisible Threads” and demonstrates how Marx’s critique of capitalism is influenced by the republican critique of domination. Leipold develops this analysis almost exclusively through a reading of volume one of Capital. While he occasionally cites other writings—such as the Grundrisse (1857–58), Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (1859), the enormous 1861–63 Manuscript (parts of which are better known as the Theories of Surplus Value), the manuscripts for volume three of Capital (1864–65), “Value, Price and Profit” (1865), and the so-called “Results of the Immediate Process of Production” (known to most anglophone readers as the appendix to Ben Fowkes’s translation of Capital vol. 1, and written sometime around 1863–66)—he does not offer anything like a detailed engagement with these texts.

Should he have done so? Are these writings relevant for a study of Marx’s relationship to republicanism? I believe at least some of them are. If I am right that the theory of value plays a central role in Marx’s critique of arbitrary power, then it would seem pertinent to include a discussion of manuscripts such as the Grundrisse, the so-called Urtext, the Contribution and the first section of both the first and second edition of volume one of Capital. Marx rewrote the analysis of the value form at least six times, and it underwent significant theoretical development between the Grundrisse (1857–58) and the second edition of Capital (1872).

But even if we set aside the theory of value, Citizen Marx would still have benefited from a more substantial treatment of this group of manuscripts. For instance, the despotic power of the capitalist within the workplace, which Leipold puts great emphasis on, is discussed at length in the 1861–63 Manuscript. Underlying this relationship between capitalist and worker in the workplace is what Leipold calls the “background structure of property, with ownership of the means of production monopolized by capitalists”; something that Marx analyzes in detail in the Grundrisse.10Leipold, Citizen Marx, 312. Likewise, the relationship between capital and the state—another central topic in Citizen Marx—is treated in the Grundrisse, the 1861–63 Manuscript, and volume three of Capital.

Speaking of the state: why does Leipold not engage with the manuscripts known as The German Ideology, and especially Marx’s discussions of liberalism, democracy, and monarchy in his critique of Max Stirner? Given that (1) the original manuscripts were only recently published (in 2017); (2) they were written during a period where Marx’s thought was undergoing significant changes; and (3) the critique of Stirner is notoriously obscure and difficult to interpret, Leipold’s take on these writings would have been welcome.

…I believe the most compelling critique of capitalism is that it is a system of domination, or: capitalism is an enemy of freedom.…The communist variant of the republican idea of freedom as nondomination also has the advantage of not implying a substantial idea of the good life. It rather conceives of communism as a society in which people are free to shape their own lives.

Something similar can be said of many of Marx’s late writings from the 1870s and early 1880s, especially his notebooks dealing with pre- and non-Western societies, which have received a lot of attention in recent years.11Kevin B. Anderson, Marx at the Margins: On Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Non-Western Societies, 2nd ed. (Chicago & London: Chicago University Press, 2016); Kevin B. Anderson, The Late Marx’s Revolutionary Roads: Colonialism, Gender, and Indigenous Communism (London & New York: Verso, 2025); Kohei Saito, Marx in the Anthropocene: Towards the Idea of Degrowth Communism (Cambridge & New York: Cambridge University Press, 2022); Marcello Musto, The Last Years of Karl Marx, 1881–1883: An Intellectual Biography (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2020). According to scholars like Kevin Anderson and Kohei Saito, Marx’s notebooks from these years reveal how he finally shed the remnants of his early Eurocentrism and came to recognize, in Saito’s words, “the revolutionary potentialities of non-Western societies based on communal landed property.”12Saito, Marx in the Anthropocene, 173. The most well-known example of this shift is Marx’s correspondence with the Russian revolutionary Vera Zasulich and the 1882 preface to the Communist Manifesto, where Marx and Engels suggested that if “the Russian Revolution becomes the signal for a proletarian revolution in the West, so that both complement each other, the present Russian common ownership of land may serve as the starting point for a communist development.”

Does this indicate a shift in how Marx conceived of the unfolding of a revolutionary process, including the role of the state, as several scholars have argued? And would it not be relevant for Leipold’s critique of the idea that Marx believed in “the end of politics” to consider Marx’s claim in his notes on Henry Maine from the early 1880s that the state “arises only at a certain stage of social development [and] disappears again as soon as society has reached a stage not yet attained”?13Leipold, Citizen Marx, 386.

Leipold does not explain why these writings are not considered in the book. One possible explanation is that giving them the same level of attention that Marx’s other writings receive in Citizen Marx would simply have made for an unmanageably large project (though Leipold’s impressive ability to synthesize vast amounts of material suggests he is well equipped to undertake such a task). If that is the case, however, Citizen Marx would have benefited from a more precise delineation of its object of analysis, including an explanation for the exclusion of these writings.

These critical remarks in no way detract from the book’s insightful, rigorous, and original reading of Marx. Much of Marx’s writing is deeply embedded in concrete debates and polemics, which can make them very challenging for contemporary readers. Leipold’s careful and pedagogical reconstruction of Marx’s intellectual and political context is extremely useful in that regard. Rather than a challenge to Leipold’s fundamental thesis about Marx’s relationship to republicanism, my comments should be read as suggestions for further research that could help to develop and strengthen his account.

Communism is Freedom

Perhaps the most important conclusion of Citizen Marx is that “Marx’s principal political value was freedom.”14Leipold, Citizen Marx, 19. This is, as Leipold puts it, “one way in which a study of Marx and republicanism in the nineteenth century could help with the formulation of a socialism for the twenty-first.”15Leipold, Citizen Marx, 409. Throughout the history of the left, different answers have been offered to the question of what exactly the problem with capitalism is. Not all of them are equally convincing.

The most classically minded answer is that the problem with capitalism is that it exploits workers. This is of course true and important, but such a critique also risks reinforcing a narrow-minded, masculinist emphasis on the struggles of industrial wage laborers at the point of production as the only true form of class struggle. Moreover, it tends to lead to tedious philosophical debates about justice and normative foundations, as well as pre-Marxian, Ricardian socialist visions of post-capitalism as a society in which workers have full control over the results of their labor—a vision that ignores (among other things) that people who are unable to work should also have a say in a postcapitalist society.

Another typical response is that the problem with capitalism is that it is alienating. This type of critique typically relies on a romantic notion of human nature and ideals such as immediacy, wholeness, unity and resonance, often reflecting the particular experiences of certain Western sections of the global proletariat, and frequently amounts to nothing more than a moralizing universalization of a particular lifestyle preference. This is the kind of condescending critique that urges you to stop doom scrolling, ordering takeout, and binge-watching TV shows, and discover that true happiness lies in going for a walk in the woods, having deep and meaningful conversations, cooking from scratch, and visiting art museums. Marx’s early critique of capitalism in the Paris Manuscripts of 1844 has a strong affinity with such a perspective. Although a few scholars—most notably Moishe Postone and Simon Clarke—have attempted to disentangle the concept of alienation from its romantic implications, I think the term is so entwined with romantic humanism that it is best abandoned. It unavoidably implies that whatever is “alienated” still somehow exists, even if its expression is thwarted (otherwise we would not say that it is “alienated,” but that it has disappeared or been lost or abolished), and that the political aim is the resurrection or becoming-familiar of the alien. At the core of the concept is a depoliticizing, romantic form of critique anchored in an original, prepolitical unity or harmony that ought to be restored.

A third answer is that capitalism destroys nature—an important and compelling critique, but one that cannot stand alone, since it does not, in itself, indicate what an alternative to capitalism could look like. A critique of capitalism exclusively focused on ecological destruction is, in principle, compatible with an authoritarian and technocratic political horizon.

For these reasons, I believe the most compelling critique of capitalism is that it is a system of domination, or: capitalism is an enemy of freedom. This critique is not necessarily opposed to the others mentioned above, and I believe it makes perfect sense to combine it with the critiques of ecological destruction and exploitation—though less so with the critique of alienation, which, to be honest, I find of limited use. A critique of capitalism in the name of freedom does not center a specific subsection of the proletariat as inherently more revolutionary than others, and it has the potential to resonate with a broad set of experiences of life under capitalism, since everyone is subjected to the arbitrary power of capital, regardless of whether they work or not, or, if they do work, whether in the form of wage labor, informal labor or unpaid domestic labor. The communist variant of the republican idea of freedom as nondomination also has the advantage of not implying a substantial idea of the good life. It rather conceives of communism as a society in which people are free to shape their own lives. Understanding the struggle against capitalism as a struggle against domination also makes it easier to grasp “the continuity between the Marxian project of universal emancipation and ongoing freedom struggles that are not all socialist in character,” as William Clare Roberts—another proponent of the republican reading of Marx—puts it.16William Clare Roberts, “Marx’s Social Republic: Political Not Metaphysical,” Historical Materialism: Research in Critical Marxist Theory 27, no. 2 (2019): 1-18, https://doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001870, available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/334159032_Marx’s_Social_Republic_Political_not_Metaphysical. The relationship between struggles against capital and struggles against racism or sexism, for example, should not be understood as a relationship between “struggles against exploitation” and “struggles against oppression”; they are rather variations of the same fundamental emancipatory struggle against domination. This is one of the many important insights that Leipold’s reading of Marx as a republican communist critic of arbitrary power helps us to articulate and develop.

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